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'The Color of Crime', a New Century Foundation study based on federal crime
reports, has found significant differences in violent crime rates for different
racial and ethnic groups. Blacks, for example, are many times more likely to
commit crimes of violence against whites than vice versa. Of the approximately
1,700,000 interracial violent crimes involving blacks and whites reported every
year, blacks commit 90 percent and whites commit only ten percent. Blacks are
therefore more than 50 times more likely than whites to commit interracial crimes
of violence. The differences are even greater for multiple-offender interracial
crimes, with blacks 100 to 250 times more likely to be involved in gang attacks on
whites than the reverse. Some people may argue that blacks attack whites because
they expect them to be carrying cash or valuables. However, fewer than 20 percent
of black attacks on whites are robberies; rape and assault do not usually have
economic motives.

There is more black-on-white violent crime than black-on-black violent crime. When
blacks commit violence they attack whites 50 to 55 percent of the time. When
whites commit violence they attack blacks only two to three percent of the time.

Hate crimes are thought to be the most serious acts of interracial crime, but
there were only 9,861 reported in 1997. Of these, 6,981 were race-related and
4,105 were violent. This very small number of crimes receives a disproportionate
amount of attention, but it is likely that the millions of ordinary interracial
crimes--90 percent of which are committed by blacks against whites--are more
damaging to race relations. Although white-on-black hate crimes receive a great
deal of attention, blacks are approximately twice as likely to commit hate crimes
as whites.

Hispanics are considered a victim category for hate crimes but not a perpetrator
category. A Mexican who is attacked because of ethnicity is recorded as Hispanic,
but if the same Mexican attacks a black or white for racial reasons he is
considered white. This inflates the figures for "white" hate crime perpetrators,
and gives the impression that Hispanics commit no hate crimes.

For virtually all crimes, there are consistent and pronounced differences in
arrest rates for violent crime by race and ethnicity. Blacks are five to ten times
more likely to be arrested than whites, Hispanics are approximately three times
more likely, American Indians are about twice as likely, and Asians are only one
half to two-thirds as likely to be arrested for violent crimes as whites. The very
high rates for blacks means that the single best independent predictor of crime
rates for an area is the percentage of the population that is black.

Blacks are as much more likely to be arrested for violent crimes as men are more
likely to be arrested than women. To the extent that arrest rates are a good
indication of actual criminal behavior-- and there is very strong evidence that
they are-- blacks are as much more dangerous than whites as men are more dangerous
than women. If people feel more threatened by unknown men than by unknown women
and are justified in taking additional precautions against them, from a
statistical point of view they are equally justified in making the same
distinctions between blacks and whites.

Interracial Crime

In June 7, 1998, white supremacists hitched James Byrd of Jasper, Texas, to the
back of a truck, and dragged him to death. This appalling crime reminded the
country in the most forceful way that racial hostility and interracial crime
continue to be serious problems in the United States. The resulting national
outcry demonstrated how deeply Americans feel about racial violence. Outrage over
acts of this kind is entirely appropriate. However, to concentrate on one crime,
no matter how sickening, is to present a distorted picture of interracial crime.
If we are to respond appropriately to the problem of racial violence it is
important to know its true nature and proportions.

Most Americans probably believe that whites commit most interracial crimes, and
that blacks are the most frequent victims. The reverse is true: In approximately
90 percent of the interracial crimes of violence involving blacks and whites,
blacks are perpetrators and whites are victims. In terms of crime rates
(calculated as the number of crimes per 100,000 population), blacks are more than
50 times more likely to attack whites than the reverse. To use the common
short-hand expression, interracial crime is overwhelmingly "black-on-white."
Because statistics of this kind are surprising to most people, it is worth
explaining them in some detail.

Every year since 1972, the U.S. Department of Justice has carried out what is
called the National Crime Victimization Survey (NCVS) to determine the frequency
of certain kinds of crimes. The NCVS survey sample is very large--approximately
100,000 people in some 50,000 households--and is carefully selected on the basis
of census data to make it as representative as possible of the nation as a whole.
The NCVS is an invaluable record of criminal victimization as reported directly by
Americans, and it is the only significant nationwide measure of interracial crime.

The first page, Table 42, lists various categories of single-offender interracial
violent crimes for 1994 (the NCVS is carried out annually, but the Department of
Justice does not issue full reports every year; 1994 is the most recent year for
this data).

The group of numbers at the top of the page represents totals calculated for
single-offender violent crimes reported for that year. They are extrapolated from
the actual crimes reported by the survey sample. We find that in 1994; 6,830,360
whites were victims of violent crimes, and that 16.7 percent (1,140,670) reported
that the perpetrator was black. Blacks were victims of 1,100,490 violent crimes,
of which 12.3 percent (135,360) were committed by whites. Adding these figures for
interracial crime together (1,140,670 and 135,360) we get a total of 1,276,030
interracial crimes, of which 1,140,670 or 89 percent were committed by blacks.

To get the rates at which blacks and whites commit interracial crime we divide the
number of crimes by the population to get crimes per 100,000 population. The
Census Bureau reports that the 1994 white and black populations were 216,413,000
and 32,653,000 respectively. Whites therefore committed acts of interracial
violence at a rate of 62.55 per 100,000 while the black rate was 3,493.63 per
100,000, a figure that is no less than 55.85 times the white rate. Put in the most
easily understood terms, the average black was therefore 56 times more likely to
commit criminal violence against a white than was a white to commit criminal
violence against a black. Similar calculations show that the black rate for
interracial robbery, or "mugging," was 103 times the white rate. These two rates
are illustrated in the graph on the next page, and it is important to understand
what these figures mean. The multiple of 56 does not mean that blacks commit 56
times as much interracial violence as whites. What it means is that if whites
commit interracial violence at a rate of 10 crimes per 100,000 whites, the rate
for blacks is 560 per 100,000, or 56 times the white rate. This is the kind of
calculation that is represented in most of the graphs in this report.

The figures from Table 42 of the NCVS show other facts about interracial violence.
If we once again concentrate on the group of figures at the top of the table we
can calculate the total number of crimes committed by perpetrators of each race,
and the percentage that is committed against the other race. We find that the
1,140,670 acts of violence committed by blacks against whites constitute 56.3
percent of all violent crimes committed by blacks. That is to say that when blacks
commit violent crimes they target whites more than half the time or, put
differently, there is more black-on-white than black-on-black crime. Similar
calculations for whites show that of the 5,114,692 acts of criminal violence
committed by whites, only 2.6 percent were directed at blacks. (Although homicide
is a violent crime, the NCVS does not include it because victims cannot be
interviewed. The number of interracial murders is small and does not affect the
percentages and ratios presented here.)

Some may argue that blacks commit violence against whites because whites are more
likely to have money and are therefore more promising robbery targets. However, of
the 1,140,670 black-on-white acts of violence reported in 1994, only 173,374 were
robberies. The remaining 84.8 percent were aggravated assaults, rapes, and simple
assaults, which presumably were not motivated by profit. Rape, in particular, has
nothing to do with the presumed wealth of the victim. More than 30,000 white women
were raped by black men in 1994, and about 5,400 black women were raped by white
men. The black interracial rape rate was 38 times the white rate.

The second page of Appendix A of this report is another page from the NCVS. Table
48 shows interracial crime data for acts of violence committed by multiple
offenders. By doing the same calculations as before, we can determine how much
group or "gang" violence (not in the sense of organized gangs) is interracial, and
how much is committed by blacks and by whites. Of the total of 490,266 acts of
multiple-offender interracial violence, no fewer than 93.9 percent were committed
by blacks against whites. Robbery, for which there is a monetary motive, accounted
for fewer than one third of these crimes. The rest were gang assaults, including
rapes, presumably for motives other than profit.

Rates of group violence for each race can be calculated as before, and the
difference between the races is stark. The black rate of overall interracial gang
violence is 101.75 times the white rate; for robbery it is 277.31 times the white
rate. Differences as great as this are seldom found in comparative studies of
group behavior, and they cry out for study and explanation. It is probably safe to
say that if the races were reversed, and gangs of whites were attacking blacks at
merely four or five times the rate at which blacks were attacking whites the
country would consider this a national crisis that required urgent attention.

Hate Crimes in Perspective

Ever since passage of the Hate Crime Statistics Act of 1990, the FBI has been
charged with collecting national statistics on criminal acts "motivated, in whole
or in part, by bias." The law does not compel local law enforcement agencies to
supply the FBI with this information but most do. In 1997, the most recent year
for which data are available, the FBI received hate crime information from 11,211
local agencies serving more than 83 percent of the United States population.

In that year, there was a total of 9,861 offenses, of which 6,981 represented bias
crimes based on race or ethnic origin. The remainder were for reasons of religion,
sexual orientation, or disability.

The FBI reports 8,474 suspected offenders whose race was known. Of that number;
5,344 were white and 1,629 were black. Their offenses--which included all
categories of hate crime, not just racial bias--can, in turn, be divided into
violent and nonviolent offenses, and by calculating the rate of offense by race we
find that blacks were 1.99 times more likely than whites to commit hate crimes in
general and 2.24 times more likely to commit violent hate crimes.

As for cases of racial bias, there were 718 blacks charged with anti-white (as
opposed to anti-homosexual, anti-Semitic, etc.) crimes and 2,336 whites charged
with anti-black hate crimes. Although the number of white offenders was larger,
the black rate per 100,000 was twice as high. A larger number of whites commit
these crimes, but blacks are 2.0 times more likely to commit them. This
overrepresentation of blacks in hate crimes, not just in race bias cases but in
all categories, runs counter to the common impression that whites are the
virtually exclusive perpetrators of hate crimes and are certainly more likely to
commit them than blacks.

But perhaps of even greater significance is the relatively small number of bias
crimes to begin with. Of the 6,981 offenses based on race or ethnicity, only 4,105
were violent, involving murder, rape, robbery, or assault. The rest included such
offenses as vandalism and intimidation. These numbers are almost insignificant
compared to the 1,766,000 interracial crimes of violence (combining both single-
and multiple-offender offences) reported in the NCVS.

Needless to say, part of this huge disparity in numbers is explained by the fact
that the NCVS covers all crimes--whether reported to police or not-- whereas for a
crime to be included in the FBI's hate crime statistics it must first be reported
to police and then officially classified as a hate crime. No doubt there is some
number of crimes never reported to the police that authorities would consider hate
crimes if they knew about them.

However, how important is the distinction between interracial crimes that are
officially designated as hate crimes and those that are not? For a crime to be
considered a hate crime, the perpetrator must make his motive clear, usually by
using racial slurs. It is not hard to imagine that of the 1,766,000 interracial
crimes committed in 1994, some--perhaps even a great many--were "motivated, in
whole or in part, by bias" but the perpetrators did not express their motives.

Given the realities of race in the United States, would it be unreasonable for a
person attacked by someone of a different race to wonder whether race had
something to do with the attack, even if his assailant said nothing? Such
suspicions are even more likely in the case of the 490,266 acts of group violence
that crossed racial lines in 1994. What is the psychological effect on a victim
set upon by a gang of people of a different race? A white woman gang-raped by
blacks or a black man cornered and beaten by whites can hardly help but think he
was singled out at least in part because of race, even if the attackers used no
racial slurs.

Many states have passed laws that increase penalties for people convicted of hate
crimes. These laws recognize the harm done to society when people are attacked
because of race or other characteristics. However, one might ask which does more
damage to society: the few thousand violent acts officially labeled as hate crimes
or the vastly more numerous interracial crimes of violence that go virtually
unnoticed?

Hate Crimes Committed by Hispanics

The government's treatment of hate crimes is misleading in another, even more
obvious way, in that the FBI reports hate crimes against Hispanics but not by
Hispanics. Appendix B is the FBI's "Hate Crime Incident Report," which is used to
record bias crimes. Although Hispanics are clearly indicated as a victim category
in the "Bias Motivation" section, they are not a perpetrator category in
"Suspected Race of Offender." The FBI therefore forces local law enforcement
agencies to categorize most Hispanic offenders as "white" (see "Measuring Hispanic
Crime Rates," below) and the figures for 1997 reflect this. The total number of
hate crimes for that year--9,861--includes 636 crimes of anti-Hispanic bias, but
not one of the 8,474 known offenders is "Hispanic" because the FBI's data
collection method does not permit such a designation.

If a Mexican is assaulted for reasons of ethnicity he is officially recorded as
Hispanic. However, he becomes white if he commits a hate crime against a black.
Even more absurdly, if a Mexican commits a hate crime against a white, both the
victim and the perpetrator are reported as white. And, in fact, the 1997 FBI
figures duly record 214 "white" offenders who committed anti-white hate crimes.
The offenders were probably Hispanic, but if that is the case the report should
say so. If some of the "whites" who are reported to have committed crimes against
blacks are also Hispanic, the report should indicate that, too.

An examination of specific crimes shows that official reports can be misleading.
Murder is the most serious and shocking of all hate crimes, and the FBI lists five
cases of racially-motivated murder for 1997--three "anti-black" and two
"anti-white." The FBI report does not provide details about the perpetrators or
the circumstances of the killings, but the local police departments that reported
the crimes to the FBI have this information.

Two of the anti-black killings took place in the same town, a largely Hispanic
suburb of Los Angeles called Hawaiian Gardens. Hawaiian Gardens has a history of
black-Hispanic tension that is so bad many blacks have been forced to leave. In
one of the murders, a 24-year-old black man was beaten to death by a mob of 10 to
14 Hispanics who took turns smashing his head with a baseball bat. In the other, a
Hispanic gang member challenged a 29-year-old black man's right to be in the
neighborhood. A few minutes later he returned and shot the man in the chest. In
both cases, the victims and killers did not know each other and the motivation
appears to have been purely racial. These crimes are typical of what we think of
as hate-crime murders, and because no Hispanics are identified as perpetrators in
the FBI report, it is safe to assume the killers were classified as white.

The third anti-black killing took place in Anchorage, Alaska. According to press
reports, a white man, 33-year-old Brett Maness, killed his neighbor, a 32-year-old
black man Delbert White, after a brief struggle. Mr. Maness, who was growing
marijuana in his apartment and kept an arsenal of weapons, had been shooting a
pellet gun at Mr. White's house, and the black man had come over to complain.
Interestingly, a jury found that Mr. Maness killed Mr. White in self defense, but
convicted him of weapons and drugs charges. The incident was considered a hate
crime because Mr. Maness had brandished weapons and shouted racial slurs at Mr.
White in the past. A police spokesman adds that racist literature was found in Mr.
Maness' apartment after the shooting.

The remaining two killings were classified as anti-white, but only one fits the
usual conception of such crimes. Four white men were walking on a street in Palm
Beach, Florida, when a car came to a stop not far from them. Two black men got out
with their hands behind their backs and one said "What are you crackers looking
at?" One of the white men replied, "Not you, nigger" whereupon one of the blacks
brought a gun from behind his back and fired several times, killing one white and
wounding another. Attackers and victims did not know each other, and the criminal
motivation appears to have been purely racial. The other anti-white killing
involved a Texas businessman from India, Sri Punjabi, who shot his Mexican
daughter-in-law because his son had divorced an Indian wife to marry her. Mr.
Punjabi was incensed that his son should marry anyone who was not Indian.
(Presumably, this crime should have been classified as anti-Hispanic rather than
anti-white.)

These five racially-motivated murders reported for 1997 do not fit the popular
image of hate crimes, namely, of whites brutalizing non-whites. In fact, only one
perpetrator was "white" in the usually accepted sense. What was the nature of the
thousands of other officially-reported hate crimes? Without examining all 9,861 of
them it is impossible to say.

It is clear, however, that the FBI report gives a false impression. It inflates
the number of hate crimes committed by "whites" by calling Hispanics white. At the
same time it gives the impression that Hispanics never commit hate crimes. The
reason for gathering these data is to arrive at a better understanding of the
extent of racial friction and violence in the United States. If statistics are to
have any meaning they must reflect American reality, namely, that most Hispanics
think of themselves as a separate group, distinct from non-Hispanic whites, and
are perceived by others as a different group. It is impossible to understand or
alleviate group friction without recognizing this. If the FBI wants to collect
meaningful data, it must recognize Hispanics as a perpetrator category as well as
a victim category.

Different racial groups in the United States commit crimes at different rates.
Most Americans have a sense that non-white neighborhoods are more dangerous than
white neighborhoods--and they are correct. However, it is very unusual to find
reliable information on just how much more dangerous some groups are than others.

The Uniform Crime Reports (UCR), published annually by the FBI, is the standard
reference work for crime and crime rates in the United States. The UCR is a
nationwide compilation of criminal offenses and arrest data, reported voluntarily
by local law enforcement agencies. In the most recent UCR, which covers 1997, the
FBI received reports from 17,000 law enforcement agencies, covering 95 percent of
the country’s population. The UCR is unquestionably the most comprehensive and
authoritative report on crimes brought to the attention of the police. News
stories about rising or falling crime rates are almost always based on the UCR.

In trying to determine crime rates for different racial groups, it is important to
understand the differences between the UCR and the National Crime Victimization
Survey (NCVS) referred to above. The NCVS contains only one kind of information:
crimes Americans say they have suffered. The UCR includes two different kinds of
numbers: crimes reported to the police and arrests of perpetrators. Even for the
same year and for the same crime, these three sets of numbers are different. The
largest numbers are in the NCVS, because they include crimes not reported to the
police. Somewhat smaller are the UCR figures on offenses reported to authorities,
and smaller still are arrest figures, which represent offenses for which a suspect
is arrested.

For example, in the 1997 NCVS Americans say they suffered a total of 1,883,000
cases of aggravated assault, but according to the UCR, only 1,022,000 were
reported to the police. During that same year, there were only 535,000 arrests for
aggravated assault. Racial data enter the UCR figures only when an arrest is made,
so it can be argued that racial comparisons should not be based on UCR data.
Different racial groups may report crime to the police at different rates, some
groups may be more successful at escaping arrest, and the police may discriminate
between racial groups in their arrest efforts. However, there is a great advantage
in using UCR data because its racial categories are more detailed. Unlike the
NCVS, which reports only on "black," "white," and "other," the UCR compiles arrest
data on "black," "white," "American Indian/Eskimo," and "Asian/Pacific Islander."
These are the only national crime data that make these distinctions. Also, as we
will see later, UCR arrest data can be compared to other data in ways that make it
possible to treat Hispanics as a separate ethnic category.

Another good reason to use UCR data is that although the racial proportions vary
somewhat between the NCVS survey data (race of perpetrator as reported by victims)
and the UCR arrest data (race of persons arrested), they are not that different.
For example, according to the UCR, 57 percent of people arrested for robbery in
1997 were black, as were 37 percent of those arrested for aggravated assault.
According to NCVS data on single-offender crimes, 51 percent of robbers were
reported by their victims to be black as were 30 percent of those who committed
aggravated assault (once again, using 1994 data). Since there is a greater
overrepresentation by blacks in NCVS-reported multiple-offender crimes, combining
the two sets of figures brings the racial proportions in the NCVS figures
extremely close to the racial proportions in UCR arrest figures. Put differently,
police are arresting criminals of different races in very close to the same
proportions as Americans say they are victimized by people of those races.

By this measure, who is committing crime in America? The graph on the next page
shows arrest rates (calculated, as before, as the number of arrests per 100,000
population) as multiples of the white arrest rate for various crimes. The white
rate is always set to one, so if the black rate is three, for example, it means
that blacks are arrested at three times the white rate. Once again, it does not
mean that three times as many blacks as whites were arrested; it means that if 100
of every 100,000 whites were arrested for a crime, 300 of every 100,000 blacks
were arrested for the same crime.

The data show a very consistent pattern: Blacks are arrested at dramatically
higher rates than other racial groups. American Indians and Eskimos (hereinafter
"Indians") are arrested at slightly higher rates than whites, and Asians are
arrested at consistently lower rates. The popular conception of crime in America
is correct; rates are much higher among blacks than among whites or other groups.

It is for this reason that the single best independent indicator of a
jurisdiction's crime rate is the percentage of its population that is black. The
scatter chart to the right plots homicide rate and black percentage of population
for all the states and for the District of Columbia (which is the outlying data
point at the upper right). The tendency is clear: The higher the percentage of
blacks, the greater the number of murders.

It is worth noting that murder rates are a different kind of data from both NCVS
reports and UCR arrest data. They are not based on victim reports nor can they be
distorted by differences in arrest rates by racial group that could reflect
possible police bias. Pure homicide rates tell us nothing about the race of either
the killer or the victim. They are simply an expression of the level of homicidal
violence in a community, and that level increases as the percentage of blacks
increases.

Nevertheless, to return to the view that arrest data reflect police bias rather
than genuine group differences in crime rates, police actually have very little
discretion in whom they arrest for violent crimes. Except for murder victims, most
people can tell the police the race of an assailant. If a victim says he was
mugged by a white man, the police cannot very well arrest a black man even if they
want to.

For this reason, many people accept that police have little discretion in whom to
arrest for violent crime, but still believe drug laws are enforced unfairly
against minorities. Drug offenses are beyond the scope of this report but here,
too, there is independent evidence that arrest rates reflect differences in
criminal behavior, not selective law enforcement. The U.S. Department of Health
and Human Services keeps records by race of drug-related emergency room
admissions. It reports that blacks are admitted at 6.67 times the non-Hispanic
white rate for heroin and morphine, and no less than 10.49 times the non-Hispanic
white rate for cocaine. (Rates for Hispanics are 2.82 and 2.35 times the white
rates; information is not reported on American Indians or Asians). There is only
one plausible explanation for these rates: Blacks are much more likely to be using
drugs in the first place.

Finally, if racist white police were unfairly arresting non-whites we would expect
arrest rates for Asians to be higher than for those for whites. Instead, they are
lower for almost every kind of crime.

Measuring Hispanic Crime Rates

Any study of group crime rates in America is complicated by the inconsistent
treatment of Hispanics by different government agencies. For example, the Census
Bureau's official estimate for the 1997 population of the United States divides
all 268 million Americans into four racial groups: white, black, Indian and
Eskimo, and Asian and Pacific Islander. The bureau then explains that among these
268 million people there are 29 million Hispanics who "can be of any race."
However, it also counts non-Hispanic whites, non-Hispanic blacks, Indians, etc.
Thus we find that although according to the strictly racial classification, there
are 221 million whites in the United States, there are only 195 million
non-Hispanic whites. When American Hispanics, approximately half of whom are
Mexican, are apportioned to the four racial categories, the Census Bureau
considers 91 percent to be white, six percent black, one percent American Indian,
and two percent Asian.

The treatment of Hispanics can make for odd results. For example, according to the
1990 census, the 3,485,000 people of Los Angeles were 52.9 percent white, 13.9
percent black, 0.4 percent American Indian, and 22.9 percent Asian--which adds up
to 100 percent. This makes the city appear to be majority white. However, Los
Angeles was also 39.3 percent Hispanic, and if we subtract the 91 percent of them
who were classed as whites, the non-Hispanic white population suddenly drops to
only 16.6 percent.

What does this mean for crime statistics? Because the UCR figures do not treat
Hispanics as a separate category, almost all the Hispanics arrested in the United
States go into official records as "white." This is contrary to the usual
understanding of the word, which is not normally thought to include most Mexicans
and Latinos.

If violent crime rates for Hispanics are substantially different from those of
non-Hispanic whites, putting Hispanics in the "white" category distorts the
results. This is not as serious as in the case of hate crimes, in which the crime
itself has to do with the very personal characteristics that are being omitted
from the records, but there is no reason not to make ethnic or racial comparisons
as accurate as possible. The UCR tabulates separate data on American Indians and
Eskimos--who are less than one percent of the population--but it ignores
Hispanics, who are 12 percent of the population.

Some data-gathering agencies do treat Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites
separately. The California Department of Justice, which records all arrests within
the state, consistently makes this distinction (though it lumps Asians and
American Indians into the "other" category). Some of these California figures are
included as Appendix C of this report. In conjunction with Census Bureau
population figures for Hispanics, non-Hispanic whites, and non-Hispanic blacks
living in California in 1997, we can calculate the arrest rates for the different
groups for different crimes. In the graph below, these rates are once again
represented as multiples of the white rate. As is the case with national UCR data,
blacks are arrested at much higher rates than whites, but Hispanics are also
arrested at considerably higher rates.

The different rates at which Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites are held in prisons
and jails are another indicator of the differences in crime rates between the two
groups. Although the UCR does not treat Hispanics as a separate category for
arrest purposes, some government reports on the prison population do consider them
separately. For example, the Department of Justice has calculated 1996
incarceration rates per 100,000 population for non-Hispanic whites (193),
Hispanics (688), and non-Hispanic blacks (1,571). Expressed as multiples of the
white rate, the Hispanic rate is 3.56 and the black rate is 8.14. These multiples
are close to those from the California arrest data, and justify the conclusion
that Hispanics are roughly three times more likely than non-Hispanic whites to be
arrested for various crimes.

If we make this assumption, we can use the following formula to incorporate this
differential into the UCR racial data on white arrests so as to calculate more
accurate arrest rates for non-Hispanic whites: R(Number of non-Hispanic whites) +
3R(Number of white Hispanics) = Actual Number of Arrests.

Here, R is the arrest rate for non-Hispanic whites and 3R is the arrest rate for
Hispanics who are categorized as white when they are arrested. Calculations of
this kind show that if Hispanics are broken out as a separate ethnic category with
an arrest rate assumed to be three times the non-Hispanic rate, the rate for
non-Hispanic whites decreases by 19.5 percent. The graph below shows arrest rates
(as multiples of the white arrest rate) adjusted for this reduction. For lack of
more precise information, the multiple for Hispanics is set at three times the
white rate for all crimes even though there is certain to be some variation in the
multiples for different types of crimes. The unadjusted arrest rate chart is also
reproduced next to it for purposes of comparison. Because the evidence from
national incarceration rates and California arrest rates suggests that Hispanics
commit violent crimes at some multiple of the white rate, the adjusted graph is
probably a more accurate indicator of group differences. Both graphs are on the
same scale and show the extent to which separating out Hispanics reduces arrest
rates for non-Hispanic whites.

It should be noted here that the NCVS survey data on interracial crime referred to
at the beginning of this report also includes Hispanics in the "white" category.
It is therefore impossible to know how many of the "whites" who committed violent
crimes against blacks were actually Hispanic or how many of the "whites" against
whom blacks committed violent crimes were Hispanic. If Hispanics commit violent
crimes against blacks at a higher rate than whites--and judging from their higher
arrest and incarceration rates for other offenses this seems likely--the NCVS
report also inflates the crime rates of non-Hispanic whites.

Men versus Women

Many people resist the idea that different racial groups can have significantly
different rates of violent crime. However, there are several group differences in
crime rates that virtually everyone understands and takes for granted. Men in
their 20s, for example, are much more prone to violence than men in their 50s, and
when they are arrested more frequently for it, no one doubts that it is because
they commit more crime. Likewise, virtually no one disputes the reason for higher
arrest rates for men than for women: Men commit more crime than women. This is the
case for racial groups as well: Asians are arrested at lower rates than whites
because they commit fewer crimes; blacks and Hispanics are arrested at higher
rates because they commit more crimes.

When it comes to violent crime, blacks are approximately as much more likely to be
arrested than whites, as men are more likely to be arrested than women. The
multiples of black v. white arrest rates are very close to the multiples of male
v. female arrest rates, suggesting that blacks are as much more dangerous than
whites as men are more dangerous than women.

The first graph on this page shows arrest rates for men as multiples of arrest
rates for women for the same crimes. The differentials are roughly similar to
those between blacks and whites. The next two graphs compare arrest rates for
murder and robbery, and demonstrate that the black/white arrest multiple is almost
as great as the male/female multiple. The last graph makes the same comparison for
arrest rates for all violent crimes. (These figures have not been adjusted for the
fact that Hispanics are included with whites. As we have seen, this adjustment
lowers the white arrest rate by nearly 20 percent, and would make the black/white
multiples greater than the male/female multiples.)

What does this mean? Although most people have no idea what the arrest rate
multiples may be, they have an intuitive understanding that men are more violent
and dangerous than women. If someone in unfamiliar circumstances is approached by
a group of strange men he feels more uneasy than if he is approached by an
otherwise similar group of strange women. No one would suggest that this
uneasiness is "prejudice." It is common sense, born out by the objective reality
that men are more dangerous than women.

In fact, it is just as reasonable to feel more uneasy when approached by blacks
than by otherwise similar whites; the difference in danger as reflected by arrest
rates is virtually the same. It is rational to fear blacks more than whites, just
as it is rational to fear men more than women. Whatever additional precautions a
person would feel are justified because a potential assailant was male rather than
female are, from a statistical point of view, equally justified if a potential
assailant is black rather than white.

Likewise, there is now much controversy about so-called "racial profiling," by the
police, that is, the practice of questioning blacks in disproportionate numbers in
the expectation that they are more likely than people of other races to be
criminals. This is just as rational and productive as "age" or "sex profiling."
Police would be wasting their time if they stopped and questioned as many old
ladies as they do young men. It is the job of the police to catch criminals, and
they know from experience who is likely to be an offender. Americans who do not
question the wisdom of police officers who notice a possible suspect's age or sex
should not be surprised to learn that officers also notice race.

Conclusions

Two things can be said about most of the information in this report: It is easily
discovered but little known. Every year, the FBI issues its report on hate crimes,
and distributes thousands of copies to scholars and the media. Why does no one
find it odd that hundreds of whites are reportedly committing hate crimes against
whites? And why does no one question the wisdom of calling someone white when he
is a perpetrator but Hispanic when he is a victim? (An FBI spokesman refused to
discuss the reasons for this by telephone and insisted on an exchange of letters.
His reply is provided below.)

For some years there has been an extended national discussion about the prevalence
of black-on-black crime--and for good reason. Blacks suffer from violent crime at
rates considerably greater than do Americans of other races. And yet, amid this
national outcry over the extent of black-on-black crime, there appears to be
little concern about the fact that there is actually more black-on-white crime.
Nor does there seem to be much interest in the fact that blacks are 50 to 200
times more likely than whites to commit interracial crimes of violence.

Everyone knows that young people are more dangerous than old people and that men
are more dangerous than women. We adjust our behavior accordingly and do not
apologize for doing so. Why must we then pretend that blacks are no more dangerous
than whites or Asians? And, of course, it is no more than pretense. Everyone knows
that blacks are dangerous, and everyone--black or white--takes greater precautions
in black neighborhoods or even avoids such neighborhoods entirely.

The answer to these questions lies in the current intellectual climate. Americans
are extremely hesitant to "perpetuate stereotypes," and generally take care not to
draw or publicize conclusions that may reflect badly on racial minorities. This is
understandable, but has reached the point that certain subjects can no longer be
investigated without bringing down charges of "racism." Needless to say, research
that reflects badly on the majority population is not constrained by the same
fears. However, our willingness to ignore sensibilities should not be selective.
Violent crime and interracial violence are important, agonizing concerns in this
country, and we cannot begin to formulate solutions unless we understand the
problems.

It seems that England has a similar problem with Blacks. Following is a similar
report that corroborates the same problems in England that we have in the United
States:

From Right Now, October 2000: an article by John Woods; Race and Criminal
Cowardice.

I acquired recently a copy of a 1999 Home Office publication entitled Statistics
on Race and the Criminal Justice System: A Home Office publication under Section
95 of the Criminal Justice Act 1991*. The 1999 edition is the fifth in a series,
with previous reports issued in 1992, 1994, 1995 and 1997. this remarkable study
makes for a most interesting read.

First, you have to wade through the statutory foreword by Jack Straw telling us
that we must learn the lessons of the Macpherson report, and purge the criminal
justice system of "institutional racÂ*ism". Then we have another foreword by Mr.
Justice Rose, ChairÂ*man of the Criminal Justice Consultative Committee, stating
that we must learn the lessons of the Macpherson Report and purge the criminal
justice system of "institutional racism". Then we have an insert from the
Commission for Racial Equality telling us that we must learn the lessons of the
Macpherson Report and purge the crimiÂ*nal justice system of "inÂ*stitutional
racism".

Then we have a disÂ*cussion on deaths of black people in police custody. Then we
are told that blacks are six times more likely to be stopped and searched by
police. Then we are told that racist incidents are up by 66% over the last year,
"although this is thought to be due to better reporting". Then we have the usual
breast-beating about how there are not enough black policemen, prison officÂ*ers,
magistrates or judges. Then we are told that 9% of homicide victims in the UK in
the period covered by the surÂ*vey (1996-99) were black, an over-representation by
a factor of four and a half (although we are not told who committed these
murders.)

And then -- finally -- buried half way down Table 7.5 on page 44, we get some real
figures. 'Resipsa loquitor', as they doubtless say in Brixton police station
canÂ*teen. Bear in mind that 2% of the population of the UK is classified as black.
The figures are stark: as of 30th June 1998, 7.1% of those serving prison
sentences for burglary were black. The equivalent figure for theft and handling is
7.5%, for sexual offences 8.1%, violence against the person 9.7%, fraud and
forgery 13.2% and drugs offences 19%, while for robbery it is a staggering 22.6%.

Now, the massive over-representation of blacks in these categoÂ*ries, could, I am
sure, be 'explained' by reference to "institutional racism". There will no doubt
be many who hold that these are the only career options open to black youths. But
I defy even Lord Macpherson to explain, for example, a four-fold
over-representaÂ*tion in sex crimes among blacks by reference to that meaningless
concept. Perhaps wisely, the Home Office does not give us a breakdown of the
racial origins of the victims of black sexual crime. I would also be interested in
seeing the figures for juveniles conÂ*victed of sexual offences.

Moreover, virtually every Asian ethnic group within the UK is under-represented in
the jails -- except in fraud cases. The incarÂ*ceration rate for Indians is one
fourteenth of the black rate. Yet, presumably, Asians must be laboring under the
same yoke of sociÂ*etal "institutional racism" as blacks? Furthermore, if we are to
explain the six-fold over-representation of blacks in prison by referÂ*ence to that
elastic concept, and we note the fact that whites are over-represented in prison
in comparison with Asians, then the logical conclusion would seem to be that the
criminal justice system must be "institutionally racist" against whites. But that
would be an absurd conclusion.

Blacks represent 2% of the population of the UK, 12% of the jail population and
15% of incarcerated young offenders. Even this, however, does not tell the full
story, as the figures do not distinguish between Africans and AfroÂ*-Caribbeans. It
may be an hypothesis too far, but I would be prepared to wager that the following
propositions are true: that the proportion of blacks of AfriÂ*can origin
incarcerated, although sigÂ*nificantly larger than the percentage of whites or
Asians, will be signifiÂ*cantly smaller than the proportion of Afro-Caribbeans.
Therefore the over-representation among AfroÂ*-Caribbeans will be even more
extraordinary than these figures would suggest. I suspect also that the
sociological profile of the type of crime for which Africans are imÂ*prisoned will
be rather different than that for Afro-Caribbeans. Astoundingly, blacks are
over-repÂ*resented by a factor of six or seven among those incarcerated for fraud
and forgery. I suspect that the majority of these will be West Africans rather
than West Indians.

But the real story here is the way that the Home Office has presented the figures.
The statistics would appear to have been set out in a deliberately misleading,
confusing and obfuscatory manner, designed to prevent the casual reader from
working out the true situation. One has to wade through reams of information on
arrest rates in the various county police forces, where very few members of ethnic
minorities reside, and the figures for the Met., the West Midlands etc, are buried
among them. It is not terribly meaningful to tell us that 99% of those arrested by
Dyfed-Powys or Devon & Cornwall Police are white. Moreover, the percentages of
arrests for the various different ethnic groups within a particular police area
are not compared with the actual ethnic breakdown of the population within that
area, except for the Metropolitan Police District and a few others. And these are
presented several pages apart, perhaps in the hope that no-one will notice them.

According to the Home Office figures, 7.5 % of the population of London are black.
A quarter of all the arrests in the Metropolitan Police District are of black
people. As relatively few blacks live in suburban areas of London, I would suggest
that they must now represent a majority, or close to it, in arrests in almost
every catÂ*egory of crime in the inner London boroughs. Blacks represent 54% of
those arrested for robbery in London. In the inner city, this must surely be
80-90%. Again, the race of the victims of these robberies is not recorded. I
wonder why not.

Another jaw-dropping statistic: during the period 1996-1999 which this survey
covers, 59 black people and 69 white people died from gunshot wounds. The chances
of a black person being shot dead are therefore approximately 40 times higher than
for a white person. In virtually every case, blacks who died of gunshot wounds
were shot by other blacks.

On page 47 of this extraordinary document, one finds another startling statistic
relating to "racially motivated incidents". The British Crime Survey, published in
1998, estimates that in 1995, 382,000 offences were racially motivated. Of these,
143,000 were committed against members of ethnic minorities, and 238,000 against
white people. This fact is extraordinary enough in itself. More extraordinary
still is the lack of further discussion given to it in this report. And of course,
the Home Office is not indelicate enough to point out the obvious corollary: if
the ethnic minorities comprise 6% of the population of the UK, and are producing
238,000 racial assaults per year, and the white population, who comprise 94% of
the population, are producing 143,000 racial assaults per year, it would appear
that, on a per capita basis, the ethnic minorities are producing about 25 times
more racial assaults than the white population. In fact, this clearly
underestimates the discrepancy, since some of the racial assaults against blacks
will have been committed by Asians, and some (I would guess a lot) of the assaults
on Asians will have been committed by blacks (like the murderous attack on Abdul
Bhatti at Notting Hill). Moreover, the British Crime Survey does not tell us who
committed the 238,000 racial assaults against whites. I think we may safely assume
that the majority were not committed by Sikhs, Parsees, Thais or Hong Kong
Chinese.

Obviously, certain caveats must be born in mind. What constitutes a racial
assault? If two motorists of different pigmentations get into an altercation over
a parking space, does this constitute a racial incident? If one of them employs
racial epithets in the course of the dispute, does it then become one?
Fortunately, we now know what constitutes a racial assault, because Macpherson's
definition has been accepted by the Government, the police and the Crown
Prosecution Service, and is reproduced in this document. "A racial incident is any
incident which is perceived to be racist by the victim or any other person". So,
if 238,000 white people per year perÂ*ceive themselves to have been the victims of
racist crimes, then they must have been, mustn't they?

On page 15 of the Home Office document, we are told "Much (sic) of these
differences were found to be due to socio-demographic factors that are associated
with victimization. For example, ethnic minorities tend, on average, to be
younger, of lower socio-economic status, and more often living in higher risk
areas". This is an exerÂ*cise in deliberately missing the point. Certain ethnic
minorities -- Indians and Chinese, for example -- have an average social status
which is significantly higher than that of whites, and a crime rate which is
approximately half the national average. It is only blacks who are of a
significantly lower average social status. And, of course, the Home Office
statisticians do not address themselves to the quesÂ*tion of why this should be.
Blacks certainly do live in higher risk areas. They are higher risk areas for a
very good reason.

But then the whole document is an exercise in deliberately missing the point.
Almost every civil servant, policeman, judge, prosecutor and journalist is busily
missing the point these days, busily pretending that the emperor has got some
clothes on, because in Tony's Britain, that's how you keep your job.

The reality of the situation is simply too horrific for liberals to contemplate.
Therefore, they choose not to contemplate it, preferring to scapegoat the police,
or the judiciary, or the schools, or anyone or anything else, rather than face the
facts. Unfortunately, however much we might all wish it, reality will not go away.

*The report can be obtained from the following web site:

www.homeoffice.gov.uk/rds/index.htm

Copyright © 1999 by New Century Foundation

New Century Foundation

2717 Clarkes Landing

Oakton, VA 22124

Tel: (703) 716-0900

Fax: (703) 716-0932

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